Vote rigging is only one tool to alter the outcome of elections. More subtle and less evident are encroachments that occur during the preceding election campaign. The international community could help avert a crisis in the making, says

Political party plethora and plutocratic powerbroking

After the completion of 1997's General Agreement on the Establishment of Peace and National Accord in Tajikistan, which ended the Tajik Civil War, parliamentary elections were first held in 2000. On 27 February 2005, elections for the lower chamber of parliament [Majlisi Namoyandagon] as well as for local councils will take place again in Tajikistan. The Majlisi Namoyandagon consists of 63 deputies and is elected on the basis of a mixed proportional and majoritarian electoral system, 22 seats and 41 seats respectively. 41 deputies are elected in single-mandate constituencies and 22 deputies are elected from political party lists in a single republic-wide constituency.

Six registered political parties representing a number of political orientations are expected to take part in the forthcoming elections. However, according to the opinion of one Shokirjon Hakimov, the deputy chairman of Social Democratic Party of Tajikistan, the political environment is characterised by an increasing centralisation of power by the ruling party, and by a narrowing freedom of media.  As of 14 January, the candidates from party lists were as follows: the Democratic Party has 16 candidates; the Communist Party, nine candidates; the People's Democratic Party of Tajikistan has 21; the Islamic Renaissance Party 21; the Socialist Party 11, and the Social-Democratic Party 21.

But the sheer amount of parties does not show that it is easy to become registered as such. Recently, Representatives of the Communist Party of Tajikistan expressed concern regarding the newly introduced registration fee for party candidates. A candidate has to pay a deposit of 200 minimum monthly salaries, which amounts to a total of 800 USD. Each candidate has to pay on his or her own account and it will not be returned if he or she is not elected in a single mandate constituency or if a party will not receive a minimum 5 percent of votes. Most party candidates do not have funds to pay for election campaigns. For example, the Gorno-Badakhshan branch of the Communist Party organisation did not nominate their candidates for the elections on single-mandate basis because they are unable to the pay election deposit and do not have funds to conduct pre-election campaigning either.

In addition, the registration of candidates on party lists and on single mandates has finished its work on 13 January. However, according to the deputy chairman of Social Democratic Party (SDPT), lawyer Shokirjon Hakimov, numerous local authorities have interfered in the registration process and harshly violated the election codes. "Officers of the District Election Committee in Konibodom had refused to give me a form to gather signatures in support of my candidacy," said Hakimov. Social Democrats consider that the pre-election troubles pressing upon party members are most strikingly observed in the Sughd region. According to the chairman of SDPT, Rahmatullo Zoirov, authorities use different forms and methods of pressure. They offer bribes, jobs or positions. For example, the chairman of SDPT in Sughd Region, Samadova Dilbar (she is also a teacher in the Journalism Department of Khujand State University), was urged to resign from her party candidacy in exchange for the approval of her thesis and promotion to the position of the head of the Journalism Department.

SDPT may become the strongest opponent of the People's Democratic Party of Tajikistan (PDPT), which holds a majority of 65 seats in parliament. SDPT is one of the few parties, which closely co-operates with international organisations such as the National Democratic Institute, the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) or the International Foundation for Elections Systems (IFES). The state authorities fear that the SDPT may get funds from foreign representatives in the run-up to the forthcoming elections. On a 14 January press conference, the chairman of the election committee, Mirzoali Boltuev, told that those parties which receive financial support from international organizations would not be permitted to participate in the elections and their registrations would be revoked. "All banks should render assistance to reveal money transfers wired to candidates' accounts," said Boltuev.

During the pre-election campaign, the Socialist Party of Tajikistan (SPT) lost its popularity among people. Even some key members of the SPT are withdrawing from the party rows. The chairman of SPT in Konibodom, S. Azizova, has joined the PDPT, which is headed by Tajik President Emomali Rahmonov. According to her, the Socialist Party is not strong anymore after the death of its founder, Safarali Kenjaev, and it was not worth to be a member of this party because the current leader of SPT, Mirhusein Nazriev, has lost control over the party. Hence, the SPT split up into two socialist parties, aggravating the opposition's fragmentation. They conducted a conference in the absence of the chairman of SPT, Mirhusein Nazriev. During the conference, they declared Ghaffurov the new leader. But Mirhusein Nazriev considered these actions as "illegal." "It all happened with assistance from the Sughd region's administration and the Tajikistani President's adviser Vosiev, who illegally conducted the party's conference and removed M. Horisova from the post of the head of SPT in the Sughd Region," said Nazriev. 

In my opinion, the interference of the president's adviser and the provincial authorities in the internal affairs of the SPT is evidence strongly suggesting that such action can have only been planned and committed by the government pursuant to one of the main goals of current state policy. The state strives to further weaken the coalition of political opposition parties whose purpose has transformed into a joint struggle during the parliamentary elections.  According to political experts, an electoral coalition is the best way for them to present a credible challenge to the institutional dominance of the PDPT. Working together would also give the opposition a chance to co-ordinate the monitoring of the electoral process, and that is why the government also tries different techniques to hinder the activities of opponent political parties, for instance facing their leaders with the possibility of heading to jail.

Centralisation by censure

The Republic of Tajikistan Central Election Committee (CECRT) did not approve the list of candidates proposed by Mirhusein Nazriev, but instead, they had approved Ghaffurov's team. A ticklish situation occurred: the Central Election Committee could not accept two lists on behalf of one party. Based on constituent documents, the Ministry of Justice had decided that Ghaffurov was the chairman of SPT, not Nazriev. Opposing this decision, Nazriev appealed to the Supreme Court. If the court rules in favour of Nazriev, then the nomination's term will be extended. If the court does not, then Nazriev has to skip the forthcoming elections.

At the other end of the spectrum is the Democratic Party of Tajikistan (DPT). The party can trace its origins back to the last days of the Soviet Union, but despite its 15-year-long history it still counts only about 4,500 members and has 68 party cells in different parts of the country, besides Kulob, Vose and Dangara Districts.

Its leader, Mahmudruzi Iskandarov, was detained in Moscow last month at the request of Tajik authorities. Dodojonov pointed out that his registration was rejected because he has criminal charges pending against him.

Shortly after Iskandarov was detained in Moscow, Tajik Prosecutor-General Bobojon Bobokhonov said the Democratic Party leader faces serious charges. He explained that on 27 August 2004, the local Interior Ministry office and prosecutor's office in Tajikabad region came under gunfire attack. One police officer received injuries. The organiser of this terror attack allegedly was Mahmudruzi Iskandarov. Other analysts believe that his arrest was connected with several critical articles he had written during his visit to Moscow regarding the Tajik president's administration.

According to his deputy, Rahmatullo Valiev, Iskandarov's arrest was politically motivated and had been planned beforehand: "Everything is clear," Valiev has said. "Mr. Iskandarov was deprived of the right to run on the eve of elections and the aim was to prevent him from running in the elections and also not to permit the Democratic Party to participate in them. This was planned in advance," Valiev told Radio Freedom during his interview.

According to the secretariat of the CECRT they received a letter from the Prosecutor General wherein he recommended the CECRT to strike Iskandarov off the party list because he was accused of violating several Tajikistani criminal codes.

Sanctions against the DPT began last year after the closure of the Jiyenkohn printing house, wherein the party newspaper Adolat was printed. Consequently, all printing houses refused to print the weekly paper, frightened to be closed down as well.

Right now, it seems like the DPT is not going to lose courage and is doing its best to gain popularity.  It continues to campaign through its party cells. In contrast, the leader of the unregistered Tarraqiyot [Development] Party (TPT), Sulton Kuvatov, was not permitted to run in the elections. According to sources of the law enforcement organs, the Tajikistani Security Ministry had instituted criminal proceedings against the party's leader. The source did not explain for what he was accused of, though. Kuvatov has tried unsuccessfully for the last three years to get his party registered for the parliamentary poll. But he now appears set to defend himself in court against allegations that he ostensibly insulted the Tajikistani President and incited ethnic hatred. It should be remembered that according to the earlier agreement of the TPT and the SDPT, Kuvatov was supposed to run for elections through the list of Social Democrats.  Tarraqiyot is not a powerful opposition force, especially when compared to the Communist Party, the Democratic Party or the Islamic Renaissance Party. Its real problem may be less to do with technicalities than with the fact that it is led by a notoriously prominent figure, Kuvatov.

Kuvatov was once a staunch supporter of President Emomali Rahmonov. Like many in the government, they both hail from the southern region of Kulob. Kuvatov, a career police officer, served as head of the tax committee in the mid-nineties, and in 1997 his tax police helped defend Rahmonov's government against an army rebellion. Despite this, he was sacked the following year.

The Tajik Islamic Renaissance Party (IRPT) has also complained about problems registering its candidates. Party leader Said Abdullo Nuri said at his party's congress that he believes these elections won't be any better than those held in 2000. Several times, representatives of the IRPT in the Vose District (South of Tajikistan) had appealed to court against the district's administration. They complained about not being able to register their candidates.

On 18 January, the chairman of the Vose district, Alamurod Tagaimurodov, with the assistance of a district prosecutor, a judge and the head of the security department, attempted to interrupt the conference of the party while they were nominating their candidates for deputies in district and regional councils.

On 19 January, deputy chairman of the Khatlon region, M. Sharipova, received the leadership of OSCE in Kulob City, Bozhidar Dimitrov, to discuss the conflict that occurred between Vose authorities and the IRPT concerning the registration of party members for the election campaign.

The government and the CECRT have already received comments, complaints, reports or rights violations and criticisms of the electoral process from opposition parties, both officially and unofficially. However, it should be noted that the working group belongs to the government and its members are all government officials. Their first interest, of course, to protect the interests of the government. In other words, the working group cannot help to solve the problems of Tajikistan's parliamentary elections. We must try to strengthen the role of international organisations as observers, get them to watch the election campaign. Experts recommend establishing an OSCE Election Observation Mission for the forthcoming parliamentary elections.  Such an observation mission should be deployed three weeks before the day of the election-now-to prevent the disastrous loss of credibility for the election's outcome.